Wednesday, November 7, 2012

Colin M. Turnbull

149). But Western Europeans had begun their geographic expedition of Central Africa and the literature was suddenly full of casual, often mistaken, observations roughly Pygmies. By the judgment of conviction Paul Schebesta undertook the first organized anthropological research, in the 1930s and 1940s, the Pygmies had already begun to feel pressure from displaced African peoples who had, in historical times, begun to infiltrate the area and from the more new-fashioned colonizing efforts of the Europeans.

Pygmy interactions with village tribes and Europeans were beginning to take their toll. By the time Turnbull undertook his field research such diddle had acquired "considerable indispensability" (1965, p. 147). The hunting and gathering economy of the Mbuti was undergoing changes as the people satisfactory to encroaching forces. Turnbull's field work focused not nevertheless on Mbuti lives but on their great, if superficial, adaptability and "their much more weighty resistance to any influence that strikes into the heart of their forest earth and forest life" (1965 147). In The forest people (1961) Turnbull strove to buzz off a sense of what the unique relationship between the Mbuti and their forest is like. But, as he warned, it was a way of living "that allow for soon be gone forever, and with it the people" (1961, p. 5).


Most of Patrick Putnam's systematic notes were accidentally destroyed and Anne Putnam was not an anthropologist. But her saucers are limited to personal observation and take few very serious methodological difficulties. Her work overly had "the indis moveable advantage of being a factual record of a single hunting band over a period of eight consecutive years" (1965, p. 157). But it was Schebesta's methodological mistakes, as analyzed by Turnbull, that served to focus Turnbull's field work as reported in The forest people (1961). It is the line of merchandise between Schebesta's approach and Turnbull's possess methodology that forms the most elicit connection between the two ethnographic works.
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The Mbuti's superficial borrowing of this village custom was, Turnbull discovered, a matter of obtaining recognized heavy(p) status in order for Mbuti boys to carry on the pipeline of mutual trade with the villagers. By listening to the Mbuti and ignoring the distorting effect of the villagers' station view, Turnbull managed to reverse a basic assumption about the Mbuti take in by earlier ethnographers. The questions of whether the Pygmies were independent of the villages and whether they had a culture of their own are so fundamental that this subject demonstrates the extent to which blemished ethnographies can mislead. A trained anthropologist such as Turnbull can, however, put these works to commodity use since his training and instincts show him the errors and make him question the conclusions of his predecessors. Yet, just as the work of Schebesta and the Putnams raised many an(prenominal) questions for Turnbull, fresh questions will arise from his own work as other groups of Mbuti are studied and inevitable encroachment continues to restrict the forest way of life.

The nkumbi, an initiation rite for boys, is a good example of how Schebesta's preconceptions may have misled him. The nkumbi also provides an excellent example of how Schebesta's errors led Turnbull to formulate the questions that guid
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